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octobre 2, 2006

Walker Evans. Or Is It? By MICHAEL KIMMELMAN

Published: August 25, 2006
New York Times

A PHOTOGRAPHER snaps a picture. If it’s a camera with film, a negative is made; if it’s a digital camera, a file is produced. A printer, in a dark room using chemicals, or at a computer screen, can tinker with the image, crop it, enlarge it, make it lighter or darker, highlight one part or obscure another.

In other words, the image produced by the camera, whether it’s a negative or a digital file, is only the matrix for the work of art. It is not the work itself, although if the photographer is a journalist, any hanky-panky in the printing process comes at the potential cost of the picture’s integrity. Digital technology has not introduced manipulation into this universe; it has only multiplied the opportunities for mischief.

I dawdle over this familiar ground because the digitally produced prints of classic Walker Evans photographs, now at the UBS Art Gallery, are so seductive and luxurious — velvety, full of rich detail, poster-size in a few cases and generally cinematic — that they raise some basic issues about the nature of photography.

For starters they suggest a simple question, whether luxury and richness are apt qualities for pictures of Depression-era tenant farmers in the American South. These are, I must say, almost uncomfortably beautiful. In “Let Us Now Praise Famous Men,” where Evans first published many of these photographs in 1941, James Agee, his collaborator, wrote that the book might best have been issued on newsprint to suit the simple and honest character of its subjects. Photography compromises its own value, Agee thought, when it becomes pretentious.For his part Evans notoriously disdained darkrooms and only haphazardly supervised the making of his own prints. But he adopted the new Polaroid SX-70 camera when it came along in 1973, indicating that he wasn’t averse to new technologies; and with his negatives, like most photographers, he occasionally burned in or dodged out passages to make the pictures look more the way he wanted them to, which they couldn’t otherwise. To a negative of the famous portrait of Allie Mae Burroughs, the sharp-faced Alabama tenant farmer’s wife, he attached instructions for exposing furrows in her brow. Adjusting the exposure was the technique he had at hand, a crude one compared to digital technology.

The new Evans prints are made by John Hill, a friend and colleague of Evans’s at the Yale School of Art, in collaboration with Sven Martson, who printed photographs for Evans during the 1970’s. They use carbon pigments. Evans shot these works on assignment for the Farm Security Administration, so they ended up in the Library of Congress as public property, where anybody now has permission to reproduce them.

The digital process allows Mr. Hill and Mr. Martson to uncover details embedded in the negatives, outside the tonal range of the old silver gelatin prints: a shadowy girl in the doorway of a roadside stand near Birmingham, Ala.; numbers painted on a telephone pole beside a gas station in Reedsville, W.Va.; penny-picture faces in a window of a photographer’s studio in Savannah, Ga. The new prints modulate and unify the midranges of grays in these pictures to soften contrasts and give a warmer ambience to photographs that were often sharp and austere in Evans’s gelatin silver prints. Mr. Hill, who put together the show, includes various books, magazines and prints that Evans supervised, so you can make the comparison yourself.

But does this improve the pictures? No. For one thing, it is not possible to improve on the quality of Evans’s originals, only to emulate it. For another, size shifts how we see, both for better and worse. There is a level of concentration required by staring into a small gelatin silver print, a way the image focuses the mind and stays contained within a narrow field of vision, which is among the pleasures of photography. Bigger pictures are read differently more piecemeal, in the way that film in a theater is viewed differently from an image on television or on a computer screen. Evans lugged his large-format camera around the rural South during the heat of summer so that he could make pictures containing lots of detail. And for his Museum of Modern Art retrospective in 1971 he approved the installation of a few blownup photographs as props.

But a new detail revealed by an enlarged digital print becomes a visual fact that, however subtly, affects the balance of the entire picture. Photography is a seamless medium: a whole, continuous image put together at once, which the eye unconsciously distinguishes from a drawn image that is made inch by inch, or pixel by pixel, in the case of a digital image.

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/25/arts/design/25evan.html?ex=1159934400&en=84f7d83d5d92be7b&ei=5070

décembre 7, 2006

A Chilling Photograph's Hidden History

Twenty-six years ago, a picture of an execution in Iran won the Pulitzer Prize. But the man who took it remained anonymous. Until now.
The Ayatollah's agents come calling
By JOSHUA PRAGER
December 2, 2006; Page A1 Wall Street Journal

jahangir.jpg

TEHRAN -- On Aug. 27, 1979, two parallel lines of 11 men formed on a field of dry dirt in Sanandaj, Iran. One group wore blindfolds. The other held rifles. The command came in Farsi to fire: "Atesh!" Behind the soldier farthest to the right, a 12th man also shot, his Nikon camera and Kodak film preserving in black and white a mass execution.

Within hours, the photo ran across six columns in Ettela'at, the oldest newspaper in Iran. Within days, it appeared on front pages around the world. Within weeks, the new Iranian government annexed the offending paper. Within months, the photo won the Pulitzer Prize.

Taken seven months after Islamic radicals overthrew the U.S.-backed Shah, the photo remains one of the most famous images of Iran. It is an icon of government terror, invoked in critiques of the regime from the 1979 poem "Screaming," to the 1986 music video "Speak To Me From My Land, Iran" to the 1997 book "Kurdistan." Davood and Davar Ghassemlouie, brothers who operate a photo shop in Los Angeles, say they have made tens of thousands of reprints for demonstrators, including 200 in late September when Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited the U.S.

Says Shahrokh Hatami, a pioneer of Iranian photojournalism: "It is the most revealing photograph of the beginning of the Iranian revolution."

Ettela'at, however, didn't print the photographer's name, fearing his safety. The Pulitzer was officially awarded to "an unnamed photographer of United Press International," the news service that distributed the photo in the U.S. It remains the only time the award has ever been given to an anonymous recipient.

In the years since, several people have falsely claimed to be "Anonymous." When Iran's most famous photographer died in 2003, his obituaries were filled with mentions of a Pulitzer some say he had insinuated winning. Last September, another prominent Iranian photographer living in France was quoted in Paris Match magazine claiming credit for the work.

In fact, nearly three decades after the epochal photograph first appeared, almost no one knows who took it.

* * *

Jahangir Razmi grew up in the industrial city of Arak, in central Iran, the first child of a housewife and military clerk. Governed by the Shah, the nation was at peace. The boy was shy and happiest in a local photo shop helping a cousin develop film and shoot portraits of brides and soldiers. In 1960, at the age of 12, he bought a Russian Lubitel-2 camera.

He quickly put it to use. When one day a boy shot a girl dead outside his studio, a reporter urged Jahangir to photograph the scene. He did, the skirt and shirt of a bloodied school uniform preserved in the newsprint of Ettela'at.

When his father died, Mr. Razmi says he found work in a Tehran photo shop. When he served in the army, he found reprieve from military drills in a darkroom on base. When he photographed a 20th birthday party, he found a wife. And when Ettela'at -- Farsi for "Information" -- hired him in 1973 to shoot breaking news, he found a career.

"Although we were colleagues and there was a competition, his pictures were better," says Jafar Danyeli, then one of seven staff photographers. Razmi, as everyone called him, paid attention to composition and chiaroscuro, the interplay of light and shadow. He sat at the desk closest to the stairwell. "I was always the volunteer to go," says Mr. Razmi, then 25. "I was quick. I was young. I was braver than anyone else."

On Jan. 16, 1979, the Shah fled Iran following mass demonstrations protesting his rule. Sixteen days later, Ayatollah Khomeini, a radical Islamic cleric, returned from France and seized control. Mr. Razmi photographed Mr. Khomeini in his Qom headquarters so regularly that he came to greet the imam with a handshake. Using his favorite Nikon lens, a 28mm wide-angle lens with automatic focus, Mr. Razmi chronicled the conversion of Iran to theocracy from autocracy.

By August, about 500 alleged counter-revolutionaries and officials of the former regime had been executed. The judiciary decreed it illegal to criticize Islam and Iran's spiritual leaders. A holding company formed by the regime appropriated Kayhan, the only newspaper in Iran larger than Ettela'at. Journalists who pushed back at censorship under the Shah were petrified.

"Under Khomeini they would kill you," says Amir Taheri, then editor of Kayhan and now a political analyst living in England. "It was a different ballgame."

On Aug. 16, Mr. Khomeini called on Iranian troops to suppress restive Kurds hoping for autonomy. Thousands of soldiers headed 300 miles northwest to the Iranian province of Kurdistan. Mr. Razmi and Khalil Bahrami, an Ettela'at reporter, followed.

Ten days later, Mr. Bahrami received a tip that a judge he had befriended was set to try Kurds in an antechamber of the municipal airport at Sanandaj, the capital of Kurdistan. The reporter, then 37, had worked at Ettela'at for 22 years and was thankful he was paired with the young Mr. Razmi, whose father had lived in Sanandaj and had raised his son to admire the Kurds and their traditions. "He knew his responsibility," says Mr. Bahrami, who lives in Iran and is retired. "And he was quicker than the others."

At the airport, Mr. Razmi stood ready outside the makeshift courtroom as 10 handcuffed men filled a wooden bench before the judge, a black-bearded Shiite cleric named Sadegh Khalkhali. An injured 11th prisoner lay on a stretcher beside the door.

The judge removed his turban, Mr. Bahrami recalls. He removed his shoes. He put his feet on a chair. Scanning the prisoners through thick eyeglasses, he asked their names. Officers of the court told of the defendants' alleged crimes -- of trafficking arms, inciting riots and murder. The prisoners, some with leftward or nationalist leanings, denied the accusations.

No evidence was presented, Mr. Bahrami says. "It was pure speculation." After roughly 30 minutes, Mr. Khalkhali declared the 11 men "corrupt on earth" -- mofsedin fel arz -- the Koranic phrase he cited before issuing a sentence of death. A few of the men cried.

Mr. Bahrami summoned his colleague Mr. Razmi. "It was Razmi's luck that day that he was with me," the reporter says.

Mr. Razmi withdrew from his green canvas shoulder bag a 35-80mm lens and attached the zoom to his Nikon FE. The handcuffed men were blindfolded. Each put his hand on the shoulder of the man before him and together they walked single-file through the airport's concrete lobby, through a metal doorframe and toward an open airfield. Mr. Razmi darted ahead and shot, untroubled by security forces: "I was totally free," he says. Unbeknownst to Mr. Razmi, a soldier present also was taking pictures, which were never published.

The caravan passed roughly 30 airport workers, both men say. Up front walked Mr. Razmi. In the rear, both men say, was Ali Karimi, one of the judge's bodyguards, wearing white shoes, white pants, white shirt, sunglasses and twin hip holsters. After about 100 yards, an officer halted the condemned on a plain of dry dirt. All but one of the executioners tied about their own heads Iranian shawls called chafiyehs. Both the faces of the Shiites and the eyes of the Kurds were now concealed.

Mr. Karimi asked the prisoners if they had last words, the two journalists recall. The men didn't, all silent save a man Mr. Bahrami later reported to be Essa Pirvali, who wept aloud. A sandwich maker, he belonged to no political party but possessed a handgun and had been accused of murder. "He was scared," Mr. Razmi says. "He wouldn't stand." The soldiers instructed a fellow prisoner to hold him.

An afternoon sun shone behind the prisoners and Mr. Razmi reached for his 28mm lens. He sidled in behind members of the firing squad, who stood in brown leather boots laced to the calf. He thought, he says, only about "speed and angle." The prisoners stood in plainclothes. The firing squad crouched in camouflage.

"Afrad mosallah!," yelled the commanding officer, calling his troops to attention. His charges aimed their G3 rifles at the midsections of the men standing little more than a body's length away.

Standing farthest to the right, Naser Salimi, an employee of the Sanandaj health department, raised his right hand to his chest. It was bandaged, injured in a street fight that had led to his sentencing, according to contemporary newspaper reports. Opposite him, the only soldier who wore no chafiyeh raised his rifle.

Mr. Razmi stood a few feet behind this unmasked gunman. He raised his camera. At 4:30 p.m., the command came to fire: "Atesh!" Eleven guns discharged. Eleven bodies dropped. "When they fell, it was dusty," Mr. Razmi says. The photographer lowered his camera.

The soldiers eyed Mr. Karimi, the judge's bodyguard, lifting a pistol off his right hip. Not all of the men were dead, the photographer recalls. The bodyguard leaned over Ahsan Nahid, the injured prisoner on the stretcher, and fired one bullet into his head. Mr. Razmi snapped his Nikon. Mr. Karimi stepped to the next man and shot him, too. He proceeded along -- one bullet per body, both journalists say. (Recent efforts to locate Mr. Karimi were unsuccessful.)

WITHIN MINUTES, ambulances ferried away the 11 bodies, airport workers returned to work, the huddle of soldiers thinned and Mr. Razmi stowed his two rolls of Kodak 400 film in a pocket of his canvas bag. After a helicopter flight landed the pair too late to cover a second execution, Mr. Razmi left his colleague, flagged a passing minibus and returned to the airport in Sanandaj, where at 8 a.m. the only daily flight to Tehran departed.

The photographer fell asleep. He was awakened at a checkpoint by shouts from airport officers, the same men who had shared their lunch with him the previous afternoon as they awaited the Kurdish prisoners. "It's me!" yelled Mr. Razmi. "Jahangir!" The men held their fire. Mr. Razmi told them he had film and an article that had to get back to Tehran. "I put it in an envelope and gave it to the flight attendant," he says, needing to continue his work in the region.

Mr. Razmi called Ettela'at, which dispatched a courier to the airport. The man picked up the white envelope from Tehran airport and delivered it to the newspaper. Ali Akbar Moradi, head of the paper's darkroom, says he knew the 70 exposures were taken by Mr. Razmi and that he turned them into two contact sheets with the help of a technician. An office runner gave them to the photo editor, the late Fereydoun Ebrahimzadeh, who marked the frames he wished turned into prints and delivered them to Mohammed Heydari, the chief Ettela'at editor, Mr. Heydari says.

Mr. Heydari was examining the layout of that day's front page and flipped through the stills. At about noon, he says, he stopped, overwhelmed by a single image of the moment when some of the squadron had fired and some hadn't. Bodies fell. Dust rose.

Mr. Heydari, then 35, had little time to think -- the afternoon paper was about to go to print. He says he told himself that the country was conflicted over the killing of the Kurds and angry over censorship. He decided to publish the photograph, although not in the edition distributed in the Kurdistan province, where it would be tantamount to a call to arms. "Considering the political climate, I knew I could get away with it," Mr. Heydari says.

The Ettela'at editor made another snap decision. The photograph would run with no credit. "I was aware that if I published his name, he would be in danger," Mr. Heydari says. "I wanted to protect Razmi."

By 2 p.m., newsstands across Tehran trumpeted word of the Kurdish executions. The banner headline read: "Forty People Executed in Sanandaj, Marivan and Saqqez." The accompanying photograph was a sensation, the seven months of Iranian firing squads distilled to one image.

Copies of Ettela'at sold out and representatives of international news agencies hustled to Khayam Street to buy prints. The photo editor, Mr. Ebrahimzadeh, "sold it to everyone like he was selling French fries," says Alfred Yaghobzadeh, 47, then a photographer for the Associated Press, now a photojournalist based in France.

The first to arrive at Ettela'at was Sajid Rizvi of United Press International. Mr. Rizvi, then 30, had seen the newspaper at his home, ordered a copy by phone and sped off in the company's pistachio-colored sedan. He picked up the photo roughly 15 minutes later inside the Ettela'at newsroom.

"It was almost wet when I took it," says Mr. Rizvi, now editor of an arts publishing house in London. "I don't think I have ever seen a picture as moving as that," he says. "It is a picture between life and death."

Mr. Rizvi asked who had snapped it. "They said, 'better not to give out the name of the photographer.' " Once home, he walked into the bathroom he had converted into a darkroom, dried the photo with a hairdryer, composed a caption on his yellow Olympus typewriter, phoned the UPI desk in Brussels and transmitted the print.

Genghis Seren, a photo editor in Brussels, sat transfixed beside the company UniFax. "The drama of that machine was that the picture took 15 minutes to complete," recalls Mr. Seren, then 25 years old and in his first year at UPI. "It came a 10th of an inch after a 10th of an inch.... It was something!" Mr. Seren forwarded the photo to UPI bureaus in Africa, Europe and the Middle East, and to company headquarters in Manhattan.

"It was transmitted to us with no name," says Larry DeSantis, the UPI managing editor who received the photo 11 stories above 42nd Street. "Not knowing who made it interested me."

At about 3 p.m., several armed agents from the Islamic Revolutionary Council arrived at Ettela'at, ascended four flights and entered the office of the editor, Mr. Heydari. They asked for the negative of the photo and asked to speak with the photo editor, Mr. Heydari recalls.

Mr. Heydari refused. "I said, 'No. I am the editor. I take full responsibility.' " Mr. Heydari says he told the men: "If I am arrested, the negative consequences will outweigh the effect of this photo."

The chief agent backed off. Both men telephoned government and religious officials, and the judge who ordered the executions radioed the agent seated beside Mr. Heydari, the editor says.

Mr. Khalkhali, the judge, declared the photo a fabrication and told the agent to arrest the editor, Mr. Heydari says. He says he responded by offering to show the negatives to the agent "as long as you agree not to use force to confiscate them."

The agent agreed and viewed the negatives with two fellow officials. "They were astonished," recalls Mr. Heydari. The agent made another call and told Iran's attorney general that "the newspaper has been considerate to only publish this one," Mr. Heydari remembers. The agents left with one proviso: Upon their return from Kurdistan, Messrs. Bahrami and Razmi should come in for questioning.

THAT SAME DAY, Mr. DeSantis, the UPI editor, had prints of the photo distributed by motorcycle to the New York papers and by telephoto machine to thousands of papers across the country. On Aug. 29, the New York Times, Washington Post, Der Tagesspiegel in Berlin and the Daily Telegraph in London were among the many newspapers to run it. Nearly all credited UPI.

"Our play was fabulous," exults Mr. DeSantis, now retired. "It was a once in a lifetime.... Like it was a movie set. One guy kneeling, aiming. One guy falling. A mass execution."

Mr. Razmi remained in Kurdistan, where at a Sanandaj newsstand he came across a copy of Ettela'at featuring one of his other photos showing the blindfolded men standing in wait. He understood why his more incendiary photographs were unprinted but nonetheless was disappointed. "I expected my name to be published," he says.

Two days later, reporter and photographer returned to the Ettela'at office in Sanandaj. The office manager lifted from his desk the Tehran edition of the paper that had reported the execution, they recall. He said copies brought to Kurdistan were selling for more than double the cover price. The manager was a Kurd and Mr. Razmi recalls him saying: " 'We have to build a statue of gold of you.' And because of what he told me, I understood that this photo was dangerous."

Close readers of Ettela'at could have surmised Mr. Razmi was the photographer. On Aug. 26, the day before the execution, the newspaper named him as one of three employees it had sent "to the Western portion of the country." An Aug. 29, the day after the photo ran, the paper reported on its front page that he and Mr. Bahrami had been "sent to Kurdistan."

Home in Tehran, after a long shower, Mr. Razmi spoke about the execution to his wife and again the next morning to curious colleagues in the newsroom. He says he asked Mr. Heydari why his photo had carried no credit and didn't object when the editor explained his worry. "I told him jokingly that you would have also been executed in Kurdistan on the spot," Mr. Heydari says.

Mr. Razmi walked to the newspaper darkroom and saw for the first time what had been the 18th exposure of his first roll of film. "There I realized what I had taken," he says. Turning on the red safelights in the studio, the photographer made prints of eight stills and preserved on a contact sheet 27 of his 70 photographs.

Mr. Razmi asked the darkroom supervisor for his negatives and locked them in the middle of his three metal drawers together with his other prints. A few days later, he slipped the contact sheet and stills into the fold of a newspaper and hid them in his home, "somewhere no one would have noticed," he says. The next morning, he returned to Kurdistan.

On Sept. 9, the Islamic Revolutionary Council published a notice in the Islamic Revolution newspaper: "we hereby draw your attention to the picture which was published on the front page of [Ettela'at] on 6/6/1358 and was objected to harshly by the public." It continued: "If this occurs again, serious decisions will be made."

A serious decision already had been made. The day before, the Foundation for the Disinherited -- the holding company that in August had swallowed Kayhan, Iran's largest paper -- also seized Ettela'at. Overnight, the paper, privately held since 1920, became state-owned.

The image continued to spread. Reza Deghati, then 27, a free-lance Iranian photographer, had seen the photo. It is "the most stirring execution picture in the history of photojournalism, of the human being," he says. Mr. Deghati says he procured five additional photos of the execution from an Ettela'at employee and mailed them to SIPA, the Paris agency that had been publishing his own photos since the revolution.

Goksin Sipahioglu says he received the prints from Mr. Deghati at his agency on Paris's Rue Roquepine. Even though UPI had already published one, Michele Sola, photo editor of Paris Match magazine, paid 14,000 French francs (about $10,000 today) for the additional prints. Mr. Sipahioglu forwarded half that sum to Mr. Deghati in Tehran.

The magazine went on sale in Paris days before its Sept. 21, 1979, cover date. About 2,600 miles east, readers in Iran turned to page 66. Titled "Les Kurdes, sous les balles d'Allah" ("The Kurds, under Allah's bullets"), the photos spread rapidly. People paid 20 times the cover price for the magazine, and dozens of Iranians tacked the photos about town.

No one, however, neither Mr. Razmi nor the Iranian brain trust, seemed to notice the magazine's erroneous credit -- "Reza (Sipa)" -- printed in the lower left corner of the index page. "When someone sends a picture to us," explains Mr. Sipahioglu, "we always credit him."

Mr. Deghati says he sent SIPA a letter saying he didn't take the photos and that SIPA sent out a news release via the AP retracting his name. Representatives at SIPA, Paris Match and the AP don't recall Mr. Deghati clarifying the matter and didn't find such a release in their archives.

Mr. Razmi returned from Kurdistan in late September and Mr. Ebrahimzadeh approached him at his desk. The photo editor asked for the negatives of the 70 photos and extended his hand. "I couldn't protest," Mr. Razmi says. "It belonged to him." He unlocked his metal drawer. Mr. Ebrahimzadeh told the photographer the police wished to speak to him in Tehran's Evin prison, Mr. Razmi recalls.

Mr. Razmi says he arrived at the prison with Mr. Bahrami and two Ettela'at editors, and quickly found himself alone with the late Asadollah Lajevardi, a future warden of the prison already notorious for torturing inmates. As part of his newspaper duties, Mr. Razmi had often photographed men housed in Evin whom the state would soon execute. "I had a right to be nervous," he says.

Mr. Lajevardi asked him who had photographed the Sanandaj execution, Mr. Razmi says. When Mr. Razmi said he had, the guard asked why he had hidden his negatives in the drawer. "So that no one would take them," Mr. Razmi recalls answering.

He told Mr. Lajevardi that he had permission from the judge to shoot the scene and that he hadn't sent the pictures overseas. The interrogation was soft, and it became apparent to Mr. Razmi that he wouldn't be harmed. Mr. Razmi returned to the paper, and a few weeks later was consumed with work when, on Nov. 4, Iranian students took hostages inside the U.S. Embassy.

The next month, UPI managing editor Mr. DeSantis sat down to submit his newswire's best work of the year for awards. At the top of his list was the execution photo. "I was a very good picture editor," Mr. DeSantis says, "but on this one you could be a dumb dog and pick this out."

That neither he nor anyone at UPI knew who took the photo was of little concern. The agency had been the first to provide it to the press and presented it as the work of an unnamed UPI photographer, which, says Mr. DeSantis, he assumed it was. "It came on the UPI wire," he explains.

"Because of the present unrest in Iran," wrote the editor to the Pulitzer committee, "the name of the photographer cannot be revealed at this time."

Mr. Razmi didn't know his photograph had been nominated for the Pulitzer. He didn't know the jury nominating finalists for Spot News Photography was overwhelmed by the entry UPI titled, "Firing Squad in Iran." Robert Duffy, then an editor at the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and chairman of the jury, says he informally lobbied a member of the Pulitzer Board that spring to pick the photo. "We were hell-bent on giving the prize to 'Anonymous,' " he says.

On April 14, 1980, seven days after the U.S. severed diplomatic relations with Iran, 'Anonymous' won the Pulitzer Prize. Mr. Heydari told Mr. Razmi the news. But the same people who, in effect, had ordered the execution now owned his employer. Mr. Heydari says he was fired two months later. Representatives of the paper cancelled an August 2005 appointment at their Tehran head office and declined to be interviewed for this article.

Ettela'at didn't report news of its prize-winning employee. Mr. Razmi says he "didn't have the guts to celebrate."

UPI did. The newswire flew its Tehran bureau chief Mr. Rizvi to the U.S. and had him speak to subscribers. "They were trying to show me off," he says. Asked about the anonymous photographer, Mr. Rizvi recalls answering: "Eventually it will be revealed."

IN THE SPRING, Ettela'at promoted Mr. Razmi, then 32, to photo editor. Iraq attacked Iran in September and Mr. Razmi covered the war. A mortar deafened his right ear in 1987. When months later Ettela'at asked him to work in Iraq, he decided he was tired of war. He quit his employer of 15 years, sold the home he had built by himself in a leafy neighborhood of northern Tehran, bought an apartment and opened a photography studio.

Forty years old, the photographer had come full circle, developing film and shooting portraits as he had as a boy. Says Mr. Razmi: "I was looking for a peaceful life."

Mr. Razmi called the studio "Abgineh," the Farsi word for glassware, which he says connoted for him the clarity of water. He didn't advertise the studio. Still, six days a week, brides in gowns flocked to the shop, looked at Mr. Razmi and smiled.

Mr. Razmi thought often of Sanandaj. In his shop, he hung a large portrait of a boy wearing a Kurdish shawl and sash. Every summer, during the month of Shahrivar, he locked himself in his bedroom and looked at the execution photographs he had hidden.

On Aug. 3, 1997, three weeks before Shahrivar, Mohammad Khatami took office as president of Iran and hired Hashem Taleb to head his public relations. Mr. Razmi had met Mr. Taleb years before and saw a business opportunity. He drove to the office of the president, pronounced the headshots of Iranian officials unbefitting their rank and "suggested I take photographs of the president and the cabinet," he recalls. Mr. Taleb hired him.

Days later, Mr. Razmi, the first "Official Photographer of the President and his Cabinet," set up his flash umbrellas inside the Iranian presidential residence at the intersection of Palestine and Pastor streets. He shot pictures of the new government. He developed the color portraits. Before mailing the prints to the president's office, he stamped his name on the back of each.

The name Jahangir Razmi, however, remained unconnected to his most famous photograph. Monir Nahid, mother of two of the executed men, who has since settled in Los Angeles, says over time, "10, 20 people came to me and said, 'I took the picture.' "

Among them, say Mrs. Nahid and her daughter, was Mr. Deghati, the stringer who in 1979 sent the photo to Paris Match. Mr. Deghati, who left Iran in 1981 and today lives in France working for the Webistan Photo Agency, says he has never met the Nahids. Last September, Paris Match magazine quoted him saying he took the photo, adding in French that Mr. Khomeini "was furious." Mr. Deghati says he knows Mr. Razmi took the photo, and that the magazine misquoted him.

Mr. Razmi says he first learned about a decade ago that others were claiming his work. Kaveh Golestan, Iran's best-known photographer, reported to him that Mr. Deghati had said as much at a European photo exhibit. Mr. Razmi didn't know that Mr. Golestan also had taken credit for the photo in classes he taught, according to several of his photojournalism students at Tehran University.

When Mr. Golestan died in 2003, after stepping on a landmine in Iraq, newspapers around the world reported that he had won a Pulitzer Prize. His widow, Hengameh Golestan, says her late husband never took credit for the photo and that the obituaries were mistaken. Mrs. Golestan says she knows Mr. Razmi took the photo.

On the fourth floor of a cement apartment building in northern Tehran, Mr. Razmi sat on a dimpled leather couch. His living room walls were barren of his work. Beside him on his couch, his son Ali sat rapt, tamping down a pinch of Cavendish tobacco in his father's pipe. Mr. Razmi struck a match and puffed.

"My sons have told me a lot of times that I should go and prove that I am the photographer," Mr. Razmi said, his voice soft and his eyes cast down. "I said, 'No. Better not.' "

It is understandable why he feared claiming credit for such a public indictment of the Islamic Revolution. The hardline Mr. Ahmadinejad, elected in June 2005, shuttered Shargh, the country's last large reformist newspaper, three months ago. Mr. Razmi also was still the official government photographer and returned the next morning to the presidential residence to shoot Mr. Ahmadinejad's cabinet, including the defense minister who in 1979 helped quell the Kurds.

But Mr. Razmi, who is now 58, said part of him always wanted to step forward. He was disappointed when he first saw that his photo didn't carry his name. He was irked when others took credit, people who "never feel the danger," he said. And all the time, he was weighted by his secret, that of an ordinary man witness to extraordinary events. "Without this picture," he said, "I wouldn't be anything."

Emboldened by time and dismayed by the opportunism of his fellow photographers, Mr. Razmi decided the moment was right to tell his tale after this newspaper approached him. "My name should be there," he said.

Minced lamb and baghali polo -- a dish of green rice and beans -- awaited Mr. Razmi at home, and he sat down to eat with his wife and sons, his sister, two nephews and his father-in-law. They talked about Mr. Razmi identifying himself, for the first time, as the anonymous photographer.

Mr. Razmi had done nothing wrong, they reasoned. He photographed the execution with the permission of the judge. He turned over his negatives to the photo editor. He described his work to the prison guard. He wasn't the one who sent the six images abroad. He didn't earn a single rial or credit from his photo, the rights to which had passed from UPI to the Bettmann Archive to Corbis Corp.

The family approved of his decision to come forward. Voicing hope that it wouldn't harm Mr. Razmi, eight people around the table spoke as one: "Inshallah," if Allah wills it.

Past midnight, Mr. Razmi retreated to a bedroom closet and lifted his canvas camera bag by the faded strap that had hung over his shoulder during the 1979 revolution. Here in pale black ink on the inside flap of a pocket was written in Farsi, "Jahangir Razmi, Ettela'at, 328 331" -- the newsroom number to phone in the event of his death.

Mr. Razmi returned to his living room. He had unearthed his contact sheet and stills for his annual look back at the execution. "I have pictures that have never been published," he said.

The photographer held in his right hand a sheaf of black-and-white photographs, 27 images that were 26 years, five days old. He withdrew from a plastic sleeve a furling photo of the sandwich maker who cried as he waited to be shot.

Mr. Razmi thrust it forward. "Who has this picture?" he asked, his voice rising. "Nobody." He thrust forward a photo of the dust that rose over 11 fallen men. "Who has this picture?" he asked. "Nobody." He thrust forward a photo of the bodyguard surveying the men he had shot. "Who has this picture?" he asked. "Nobody."

Mr. Razmi returned the photos to the sleeve that had held them since 1979. And for the first time since he had secreted them home in a folded newspaper, he put them in a Samsonite briefcase he had long used to store chosen photos from his career.

Says Mr. Razmi: "There's no more reason to hide."


Corrections & Amplifications:

Reza Deghati today lives in France working for the Webistan Photo Agency. An earlier version of this article incorrectly said he worked for Magnum Photos. The above article has been corrected.

http://online.wsj.com/public/article/SB116499510215538266-w6oLtTyb6LO2glORvqxTV1PwiTM_20061211.html?mod=blogs

février 16, 2007

Spencer Platt Wins World Press Photo Award

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World Press Photo of the Year: Young Lebanese drive through devastated neighborhood of South Beirut, Aug. 15, 2006.

February 09, 2007| By Daryl Lang | pdnewswire

A jury in Amsterdam has awarded the World Press Photo of the Year prize to New York-based photographer Spencer Platt of Getty Images, honoring a picture from the Israel-Lebanon war last summer.

The picture shows a group of five cavalier Beirut residents cruising in a red Mini convertible through a neighborhood that has been reduced to rubble by Israeli bombs.

"It's a picture you can keep looking at," said World Press Photo jury chair Michele McNally, assistant managing editor for The New York Times, in a statement announcing the prize. "It has the complexity and contradiction of real life, amidst chaos. This photograph makes you look beyond the obvious."

The photo's clutter and complexity set it apart from previous Photo of the Year winners, which tended to show individual, personal moments. By contrast, Platt's image is so dense with detail that it is only fully appreciated when reproduced in high resolution.

This is the first time a Getty Images photography has won the Photo of the Year, which has been awarded annually most years since 1955. The prize includes a cash award of 10,000 Euro.

Platt's photo was taken Aug. 15, the first day of a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. He had been in Lebanon about three weeks covering the war for Getty's wire service. While much of the press corps was based in Tyre, in the south of Lebanon, Platt says his editors directed him to stay in Beirut.

Platt had been up since 6 a.m. wandering the city with his translator. In the late afternoon, as he was preparing to return to his hotel to file his images, he spotted something red and flashy out of the corner of his eye. He spun around and quickly shot five frames of the passing convertible. Only one turned out. "On the second frame some guy in a white shirt walked in front of me and ruined it," Platt says.

Platt did not speak to the people in the car, but based on conversations with his translator he believes they are upper class Beirut residents, many of whom ventured out that day to inspect the damage to their city.

Platt sent the photo of the convertible to his editors, along with other shots from the day. "The desk said, 'Nice photo. Do you have anything wider?,'" Platt recalls. Only later, after the photo had been published in newspapers and Platt began receiving compliments, did he realize his picture was something out of the ordinary.

Platt credits his editors for keeping him in Beirut and Getty Images for supporting his work. "Getty has been great. They've never turned me down on a story," Platt says.

mars 11, 2007

Garry Winogrand

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© Garry Winogrand


Winogrand 1964, curated by Trudy Wilner Stack, and produced by the Center for Creative Photography, gives cohesive form to Garry Winogrand’s America in 185 photographs made in a single year, the majority previously unknown. Taken together, these images depict the country at a cultural crossroads, a superpower increasingly linked by mass consumerism and television, but still a naive and quirky frontier nation. A year after the assassination of JFK, Winogrand summons the national mood as the Vietnam War begins and the Civil Rights movement inspires both race riots and significant legislation. In the year of Dr. Strangelove and the New York World’s Fair, Winogrand searches for meaning in his work and the world it reflects: “I look at the pictures I have done up to now, ” he wrote in 1963, “and they make me feel that who we are and what we feel and what is to become of us just doesn’t matter… I cannot accept my conclusions, and so I must continue this photographic investigation further and deeper.”
Garry Winogrand (1928-1984) was a native New Yorker whose photography of public life epitomized the indigenous pulse and social complexity of the urban scene after World War II. In 1964, with the support of the first of three Guggenheim fellowships, he traveled for four months to fourteen states and recorded an America in transition, making some of his most famous photographs, many of which were shown in The Museum of Modern Art’s pivotal 1967 exhibition New Documents. Part of that selection remained unpublished and relatively unknown until now, as did over a hundred more new images culled from Garry Winogrand’s vast archive at the Center for Creative Photogaphy at the University of Arizona in Tucson.


MoCP Chicago

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© Garry Winogrand New Mexico 1957

octobre 1, 2007

Loneliness makes you sick

by G.M.B. Akash | Bangladesh

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© G.M.B. Akash / Homeless

I visited Germany for the first time in 2006. I just spent 3 days here after the World Press Photo Award in the Netherlands, so it was more a journey through. At that time I was at the Gruner+Jahr – building, at the harbor and Blankenese and everything seemed exclusive and posh to me. I had no idea there were poor people in Germany as well.

When I met the first homeless here, I was confused. It was in January this year, after getting a one year long scholarship by Hamburg Foundation and GEO magazine. Under the Lombards Bridge, I saw some people who were obviously sleeping there. I asked a friend who they were. It shocked me that they were homeless people. Why are there homeless in one of the richest countries of the world?

I am from Bangladesh, one of the poorest countries of the world, and I see it as my task to give those voices that are not able to call attention for their circumstances of life in another way than through my photos. So I naturally deal with poverty in Germany, too. Usually I spend a lot of time with people I want to photograph. As recently as they really trust me, pictures form that shows them in really intimate situations. Here in Germany, I can’t make it to build up such a mutual trust. I come from a different country, I don’t speak their language. But I ask them through gestures if I am allowed to photograph. I shake their hands, although they might be very dirty. I show them the pictures to make sure they like them.

Once, when I took a picture of a homeless in Hamburg, I was asked by the police why I was photographing the homeless. They wanted to know why I show the bad side of Germany. This was like a déjà-vu for me: In my homeland, friends, relatives, and other photographers often asked me: “Why do you only show the bad sides of Bangladesh? “ But this was never my intention. Having a son that is delinquent, you have to be hard and strict towards him to keep him from the bad. You do this because you love him. This is the same I feel for Bangladesh: I love my country and I show things that should be change positively.

Some people I met on German Streets look very poor, very lonesome, and very depressed. Nevertheless, their lives are a hundred times better than in Bangladesh. Only having a dog with you means pure luxury in Bangladesh. Lots of poor people in Bangladesh have nothing, not even the possibility to eat three times a day. Nevertheless people in Bangladesh seem less depressed to me. Indeed the poor have nothing. But seeing them, you feel how strong they are. They have dignity, they never complain. You would never discover poverty in their eyes.

I don’t know a lot about the circumstances of poverty and homelessness in Germany. But whatever stands behind it: The begging child I met with his father affected me a lot. How is something like this possible in a country like Germany? I didn’t expect this. I believe that here, with a lot of money in the background, a job, care and support could be given to many people. Someone who sells a paper like Hinz&Kunzt, for example, doesn’t have to beg. Someone who has to beg cannot build up self-confidence and has no perspective for the future. It was very good for me to spend one year here in Germany and to experience all the contrasts. When I return to Bangladesh in December I can judge two things better: I see how poor my country really is. But I also see how strong people are there.

© G.M.B. Akash on yourshot
© G.M.B. Akash personal website
© G.M.B. Akash / Homeless

novembre 4, 2007

Political Art: Futile, Maybe, but Still a Noble Pursuit

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© MESSAGE OF HOPE Alfredo Jaar’s “Muxima,” an elegy to Angola and its people.

By BENJAMIN GENOCCHIO
Published: November 4, 2007


I have always had my doubts about the ultimate purpose of political art. My skepticism stems from a feeling that there are more effective forums for the expression of outrage at social, political and humanitarian injustices than the quiet rooms of a museum.

But there is also something noble about artists who choose to put their creativity at the service of a cause. They know that their artwork is unlikely to appeal to a wide public, and that it will probably never sell, or at least only to a museum — if they are lucky.

One such artist is Alfredo Jaar, the Chilean-born, New York-based photographer and video artist. Now 51, Mr. Jaar has spent two decades making artwork that draws attention to the plight of the poor, dispossessed and hungry in the third world. Latin America was his initial focus, but more recently he has been drawn to Africa.

Three Africa-themed installations make up his latest exhibition in the gallery at the Center for the Arts at Wesleyan University. It is a small but affecting show, starting with a conceptual piece dealing with the 1994 Rwandan genocide. There has been much done on this subject, but the message of the work is less about the genocide than about the world’s reaction to it. “Untitled (Newsweek)” presents a dozen or so framed Newsweek covers from April to August 1994, beneath each of which the artist has inscribed events in Rwanda that year. The dates coincide with the start of violence in Rwanda in April through to the first Newsweek cover on the genocide four months later, by which time millions of people were already dead from tribal warfare or displaced from their homes.

In Mr. Jaar’s work, Newsweek becomes everyman (or at least every media), and the work’s lingering question is the same as the one raised by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan in a 2004 speech to the Commission on Human Rights while observing the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda: “We must never forget our collective failure to protect at least 800,000 defenseless men, women and children who perished in Rwanda 10 years ago.”

The ethics of reporting on African atrocities is also the subject of “The Sound of Silence” (2006), a recent work that at first seems like nothing more than a PowerPoint presentation on the life of the South African photographer Kevin Carter. In a darkened room with benches, text descriptions of his life and work flash across the screen.

But about halfway through the eight-minute presentation a flash goes off, and Mr. Carter’s Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph of a sick, starving child being stalked by a vulture appears onscreen. It is a chilling image, shot in the Sudan in 1993 and published in several newspapers, including The New York Times, to a storm of condemnation — Mr. Carter was accused of indifference to human life in pursuit of his shocking image. He subsequently committed suicide.

This work and the story it tells offer much to mull over, not the least of which is the relationship between the public responsibility of journalists and private ethics. Should Mr. Carter have immediately rescued the child, or was he right not to intervene, to look on and then get the best shot so that he could dramatize the plight of the starving in the Sudan? It is a difficult, torturous issue.

The final artwork in the exhibition, “Muxima” (2005), strikes a different note. It is subtle and poetic, portraying the modern history of Angola through alternate interpretations of a single popular folk song, the camera meandering through cities and towns, showing people going about their lives. It is an elegy to Angola, its people and culture. But it is also a message of hope: art endures, aligning responses to the world and deepening a sense of identity and community.

“Alfredo Jaar,” Ezra and Cecile Zilkha Gallery, Center for the Arts, Wesleyan University, 283 Washington Terrace, Middletown, through Dec. 2. Information: (860) 685-3355 or www.wesleyan.edu/cfa.

The last moments of photographer gunned down by Burmese troops as nine die

Last updated at 23:39pm on 27th September 2007

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Kenji Nagai of APF news agency tries to continue taking photographs as he lies fatally injured

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Kenjit, 52, was shot by soldiers as they charged the anti-government protesters

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The Japanese journalist collapses dying as the armed police continue to charge on the crowd

These are the shocking images from Burma of a Japanese journalists as he lay dying after soldiers opened fire on thousands of anti-government protesters.
Kenji Nagai held his camera above his head to continue taking photos even as a soldier pointed a gun at his chest.
He was one of at least nine people who were killed when troops opened fire after ordering the protesters to move on. Another 11 were reported injured. (...)

Full Article on © Daily Mail


novembre 7, 2007

A Modern Buddhist Uprising Strikes a Quieter Chord

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By RICHARD BERNSTEIN
Published: November 4, 2007


In this country, no doubt like in others, news about demonstrating monks in Myanmar has been reduced to a trickle, though here and there word leaks out of additional protests against military rule, and these reports find their way into the back pages of the newspapers.

But even at a trickle, that news ought to stir deep feelings in the United States, whose experience of Buddhist uprisings in Southeast Asia is rich, bitter and instructive.

I’m talking, of course, about the memory of Buddhist uprisings in South Vietnam that the Buddhist uprising in Myanmar inspires, the uprisings of the 1960s that powerfully unsettled public opinion and profoundly altered the politics of Vietnam.

There’s a lesson in the comparison between these two Buddhist entries into politics, and it’s not just about the politics of democracy in a dictatorship. The lesson resides in the fact that the news from Myanmar, which used to be called Burma, has been reduced to the aforementioned trickle, while, 40 and more years ago, the news from Vietnam exploded day after day in the headlines, thereby stirring the conscience of the world.

Or, put more accurately, they stirred the conscience of that part of the world that had a conscience to stir, and therein lies the lesson of the struggle in Myanmar. It has to do with the comparative advantage enjoyed by dictatorships in being able to stifle the flow of information, even in these days of electronic globalization.

The paradox is that protests are most effective in those places where there is actually less to protest about, and less effective where repression is so powerful that protest, especially the peaceful variety, has little effect.

Anybody old enough to remember the Vietnam War will remember that day in 1963: it was June 11 when newspapers around the world carried the shocking image of a 73 year-old monk named Thich Quang Duc sitting in the middle of a Saigon street and maintaining his rigidly erect lotus position even while his body was engulfed in flames.

It was an image that changed the United States and Vietnam forever, a stunning, shocking and, in its way, sublime protest against the heavy-handedness and tyrannical capriciousness of the regime led by Ngo Dinh Diem being supported with the blood of young American men. Among its consequences was the American decision a few months later to engineer a coup leading to Diem’s assassination, though the Buddhists continued to protest against later regimes as well, contributing to those governments’ weakness and instability.

A self-immolation that nobody knew about would have no effect, of course, but in South Vietnam a young American reporter for The Associated Press, Malcolm Browne, was on the scene that day, snapping away with the camera he always carried with him, winning a Pulitzer Prize and changing the course of history.

We know from William Prochnau’s excellent book of 1995, “Once Upon a Distant War,” that Mr. Browne was present at that historic moment because he had been tipped off in advance by the Buddhists’ clever and skillful press relations representative.

There have been, as far as we know, no self-immolations in Myanmar during the recent round of protests there, but what if there had been? Maybe there would have been photos of it, as there were of some other events, notably the killing by the army of a Japanese photographer, Kenji Nagai, that was flashed around the world on the Internet.

But no latter-day Malcolm Browne was in Myanmar during the recent protests, and that’s because the ruling junta has long barred most reporters from entering the country, even when conditions are more or less normal. The shooting of Mr. Nagai, in this sense, had both a symbolic and practical importance.

Moreover, after a few days, during which amateur photographers were able to put images of the Buddhist protest on the Web, the junta simply turning off the Internet. Since then there have been no more photos, and very little news.

In other words, Myanmar’s dictators quickly learned the lesson of the hazards of openness, and it’s a lesson whose importance is demonstrated over and over again. In his essay on Gandhi, George Orwell argued strenuously against Gandhi’s contention that his method of nonviolent resistance would be effective everyplace, including in Stalin’s Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany.

Operating brilliantly and bravely in the British context, trailed by reporters wherever he went, photographed by Margaret Bourke-White, Gandhi was able to move the British public, so that every time the government put him in prison, he gained a million more sympathizers in London and Liverpool.

But as Orwell pointed out, had there been a Soviet Gandhi, he would have been shot in the basement of Moscow’s Lubyanka prison long before anybody in the outside world had heard of him.

“The important point here is not so much that the British treated him forbearingly as that he was always able to command publicity,” Orwell wrote. Gandhi “believed in ‘arousing the world,’ which is only possible if the world gets a chance to hear what you are doing.”

The first thing a dictatorship does therefore is try to prevent the world from having that chance, though it doesn’t always succeed. When China, for example, opened up economically, it had to allow journalists into the country, and it paid a price for that when thousands of reporters were on hand to witness the crackdown on the Tiananmen protest movement in 1989.

But China still systematically prevents journalists from doing first-hand reporting in Tibet, with the result that its own repression of Buddhists there took place and takes place largely hidden from outside view.

In a way this is an argument in favor of engagement with dictatorships, since shunning them in a way plays into their hands. It makes it so much easier for them to keep their dirty deeds secret.

And that’s the difference between the Buddhist protests of four decades ago in Vietnam and those in Myanmar today. For Diem, tyrannical as he was, the presence of American reporters on June 11, 1963, was the price he paid for the American protection he needed, and, try as he did, he wasn’t able to keep anything under wraps for very long.

The junta in Myanmar understands that all too well.

janvier 15, 2010

Haïti: Le poids des mots, l'erreur des photos

20minutes.fr| 14.01.10 |

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MEDIAS - La diffusion des images de l'événement a été rapide, trop rapide. 20minutes.fr tente le décryptage d'un couac globalisé...

Ce jeudi matin, dans Libération, une photo fait tache. Alors que le quotidien consacre plusieurs pages au tremblement de terre en Haïti, l’un des clichés montre en fait... un autre tremblement de terre, au Sichuan, en Chine, en mai 2008.

Une confusion due à une cascade d’approximations, notamment dans les agences de photos de presse, là où piochent - moyennant finances - les journaux et les sites Web d’infos pour illustrer leurs articles. Mais problème: aux premières heures de la catastrophe, mardi soir, aucune agence de photo n’est présente sur place, en Haïti. Pourtant, des clichés, tous les mêmes, ont commencé à affluer sur le fil de la plupart des agences. Des photos qui proviennent en fait... de Twitter.

Afin de pallier l'absence de photographes professionnels sur place, certaines agences auraient ainsi décidé, comme lors des manifestations en Iran en juin dernier, d’agréger des clichés trouvés sur le réseau social et pris par des soi-disant témoins sur place.

Le couac

Parmi celles-ci, la photo publiée dans Libération. Une photo où l'on peut voir des immeubles effondrés et de nombreux sauveteurs, tout de rouge vêtus, mais qui n’était pas une photo de Port-au-Prince en ruines. «La photo du Sichuan? On l'a vu tout de suite», se vante Reuters à 20minutes.fr. Sauf que ladite photo a été diffusée par plusieurs agences de presse dont l'AFP, Chine Nouvelle, Sipa et Max PPP, avant d'être retirée peu à peu, soit de façon abrupte, sans explication, soit barrée de la mention «mandatory kill» (suppression obligatoire, en VF). Et cela n’a pas été le seul cliché dans ce cas.

L'agence européenne EPA, basée en Allemagne, estime que les agences ne sont pas responsables des erreurs commises par les sources originales. «On ne peut jamais être sûr à 100%, nous ne sommes pas responsables du copyright», précise l'agence à 20minutes.fr. La question ne se pose pas pour ce rédacteur en chef d'une agence de photo, qui a souhaité gardé l’anonymat: «La situation est précipitée, on reçoit de tels flots d'images. Les erreurs arrivent tout le temps, ça ne me choque pas. Que les journaux se trompent, j'en ai rien à secouer».

Le flux à vérifier

«L'erreur est humaine», reprend le service photo de Reuters. Rentrer en contact avec des témoins (et possibles photographes) sur place n'est «pas toujours facile» ajoute le service photo de l'AFP à Paris à 20minutes.fr, qui assure vérifier soigneusement ses sources «amateurs». Une source «difficile à contrôler» sur les événements comme Haïti, confirme Sipa à 20minutes.fr, qui se défend d’avoir récupéré des clichés «directement sur le Net», mais qui a été prévenue par l’agence Chine Nouvelle pour son erreur sur le Sichuan.

Politiques d’agences

Interrogée par 20minutes.fr, Chine Nouvelle a confié s'être servie sur Radio Tele Ginen, un site haïtien qui a récupéré de nombreuses photos issues de Twitter en se déclarant «non responsable des contenus publiés».

Toute la difficulté, pour les agences de photos, est de vérifier en temps réel, les sources des images. Reuters a choisi la prudence en ne diffusant que les photos de ses propres photographes, quitte à en avoir moins, et moins vite. L’AFP photo a, elle, parfois accepté des photos en précisant qu’elles «venaient de Twitter».

Mais dans ce cas, comment faire la distinction entre le compte Twitter d’un vrai photographe comme Daniel Morel et celui d’un Lisandro Suero, inconnu au bataillon, qui diffuse, à la vitesse de la lumière, sur le site de micro-blogging des photos sans copyright. Et se fait ainsi une belle publicité. Contacté par 20minutes.fr, Lisandro Suero se dit «très occupé».

A propos Political Art

Cette page contient les archives de toutes les notes postées sur yourshot dans la catégorie Political Art. Elles sont classées de la plus ancienne à la plus récente.

Photojournalism est la catégorie précédente.

Surrealisme est la prochaine catégorie.

Beaucoup d'autres notes peuvent être trouvés sur la page d'accueil principale ou en cherchant dans les archives.